吉米·卡特：如何修复美中关系，避免现代冷战
作者：吉米·卡特
1970-01-01
四十年前，我和中国领导人邓小平实现了中国人民共和国和美国的外交关系正常化，由此结束了两国三十年的敌对。这一决定迎来了东亚和太平洋地区的长久和平。中国惊人的经济增长及她与规模更大的美国经济的持续交融，使得两国成为全球繁荣的引擎。随着两国科学和文化交流的蓬勃发展，美国逐渐成为中国学者和游客的外国之旅首选。中美建交四十周年充分表明，拥有不同历史、文化和政治制度的国家也能够为了更为美好的目标而合作。然而，今天，中美关系岌岌可危。
我听说有中国精英指责美国正在施展一场以破坏中国稳定为目的 “邪恶阴谋”，我亦听闻有些可以呼风唤雨的美国人因为对中国没有成为民主国家而大失所望，声称中国对美国人的生活方式构成了威胁，也有美国的政府报告称中国致力于挑战美国的霸权地位并意欲将美国赶出亚洲并削弱其在世界各地的影响力。
如果双方政府高官们都接受这些危险的想法，那么两国之间的一场现代冷战也并非不可思议。在眼下这个敏感的时刻，对台湾海峡和南中国海等热点地区的误解、误判和不遵守精心制定的接触规则有可能导致两国发生军事冲突，引发全球灾难。
美国对价值2000亿美元的中国商品征收关税和中国对美国商品征收相应的报复性关税已经导致两国关系恶化，极大地伤害了两国的利益。
根据在阿根廷举行的20国集团首脑峰会上达成的协议，两国决定在90天内在不再增加关税。这一协议为美中贸易实现永久协议创造了可能性。那么，在此基础上，我们还能做些什么才能进一步修复美中关系？
首先，中国必须迅速有效地解决美国长久以来对中国的抱怨，这包括贸易不平衡、知识产权保护、强制技术转让和对美国对华投资和商业运作设置的壁垒。双方都不应该以 “国家安全” 为名阻碍对方的合法商业活动。中国同样需要市场竞争以促进经济创新和增长。保持公平与对等的经贸往来是双方经济增长的唯一途径。
其次，美国人需要明白，正如中国无权干涉美国内政，我们亦无权干涉中国的国家治理方式和领导人选拔方式。诚然，即使是关系密切的国家也会不时批评对方，但这种批评不应该成为指令或法令，而只应该是双向对话。我们必须认可中国在保持经济增长、扶贫和对其他国家推进发展援助方面的成就。同时，我们也不能忽视中国在互联网审查、少数民族政策和限制宗教信仰方面的缺陷，对这些缺陷应该予以记载和评估。
这种平衡的交往方式是使得两国精诚合作、共同解决世界性难题的关键。尽管两国目前在一些问题上意见向左，中国对我们的支持对实现朝鲜半岛无核化不可或缺。不仅于此，在中东和非洲的乱后重建、反恐怖主义和极端势力、调停众多国际纷争等方面中国都能提供举足轻重的支持。
解决全球变暖这一史诗性的奋斗亦需要两国的共同参与，因此美国应该重回巴黎气候协定，与中国携手处理环境和气候变化问题。我个人认为，两国重返双边合作的捷径在非洲大陆。两国都正在积极地在那里抗击疾病、建设基础设施和维持和平。尽管双方偶尔也开展合作，但更多的是在指责对方在非洲推进经济剥削或政治操控。非洲人民，和世界上其他数十亿人一样，不愿被迫在两国之间选边。恰恰相反，他们更欢迎配置资源、分享专业知识和设计互补的援助计划带来的协同促进。通过与非洲人民的合作，美国与中国也可以逐渐克服彼此的不信任，重建至关重要的双边关系。
1979年，我与邓小平都知道我们在推进和平事业。尽管今日的领导人面临不同的世界格局，和平事业依旧至关重要。两国领导人必须用崭新的视野、勇气和创新精神应对新的挑战与机遇。我相信他们也必须接受我与邓小平的信念：美国和中国必须为自己和人类共同建设他们的未来。
（作者吉米·卡特是第39任美国总统及非盈利组织卡特中心的创始人；翻译：陆文馨）
Jimmy Carter: How to repair the U.S.-China relationship — and prevent a modern Cold War
WP, December 31, 2018
Jimmy Carter, the 39th president of the United States, is founder of the nonprofit The Carter Center.
Forty years ago, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping and I normalized diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, putting an end to three decades of hostility. This led to an era distinguished by peace in East Asia and the Pacific region. China’s spectacular economic growth , in conjunction with its continuing integration with the much larger U.S. economy, has enabled the two countries to become engines of global prosperity. Scientific and cultural exchanges have blossomed, and the United States has since become the top foreign destination for Chinese scholars and tourists. The 40th anniversary of this relationship is a testament to the ability of countries with different histories, cultures and political systems to work together for the greater good. Yet, today, this critical relationship is in jeopardy.
I hear Chinese elites claiming that Americans are conducting an “evil conspiracy” to destabilize China. I hear prominent Americans, disappointed that China has not become a democracy, claiming that China poses a threat to the American way of life. U.S. government reports declare that China is dedicated to challenging U.S. supremacy, and that it is planning to drive the United States out of Asia and reduce its influence in other countries around the world.
If top government officials embrace these dangerous notions, a modern Cold War between our two nations is not inconceivable. At this sensitive moment, misperceptions, miscalculations and failure to follow carefully defined rules of engagement in areas such as the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea could escalate into military conflict, creating a worldwide catastrophe.
The U.S. imposition of tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese goods, and China’s retaliatory tariffs, contribute to the deteriorating relationship, hurting both countries.
The 90-day pause in further escalation of tariffs, agreed to at the Group of 20 summit in Argentina, offers the possibility of reaching a permanent agreement on U.S.-China trade. What can we do to build on this progress, and to repair the U.S.-China relationship?
First, the United States’ long-standing complaints — about trade imbalances, intellectual property theft, forced technology transfers, and unfair barriers to U.S. investments and business operations in China — must be addressed quickly and effectively. Neither country should use “national security” as an excuse to obstruct the other’s legitimate commercial activities. China needs competition for its economy to innovate and grow; pursuing a fair and reciprocal relationship is the only way for both countries to remain economically strong.
Second, Americans must acknowledge that, just as China has no right to interfere in U.S. affairs, we have no inherent right to dictate to China how to govern its people or choose its leaders. Though even countries with the closest of relationships may critique each other at times, such engagements should never become directives or edicts; they should rather serve as a two-way street of open dialogue. China’s achievements in sustaining economic growth, alleviating abject poverty and providing developmental assistance to other countries need to be celebrated. At the same time, we cannot ignore its deficiencies in Internet censorship, policies toward minorities and religious restrictions — which should be recorded and criticized.
This balanced approach is key to ensuring that the United States and China continue to work together toward solving some of the most intractable global problems. Despite current tensions on other issues, Chinese support has been essential in our ongoing efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula. Beijing also could offer crucial help in post-conflict reconstruction in the Middle East and Africa, countering terrorism and extremism, and mediating other international disputes.
The United States should return to the Paris climate accord and work with China on environmental and climate-change issues, as the epic struggle against global warming requires active participation from both nations. But I believe the easiest route to bilateral cooperation lies in Africa. Both countries are already heavily involved there in fighting disease, building infrastructure and keeping peace — sometimes cooperatively. Yet each nation has accused the other of economic exploitation or political manipulation. Africans — like billions of other people around the world — do not want to be forced to choose a side. Instead, they welcome the synergy that comes from pooling resources, sharing expertise and designing complementary aid programs. By working together with Africans, the United States and China would also be helping themselves overcome distrust and rebuild this vital relationship.
In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew we were advancing the cause of peace. While today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace remains just as important. Leaders must bring new vision, courage and ingenuity to new challenges and opportunities, but I believe they also must accept our conviction that the United States and China need to build their futures together, for themselves and for humanity at large.
